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雅思考试小作文模板
篇一：雅思小作文模版
开头1This graph/pie chart/table/bar chart reflects the (rate/percentage/proportion/number …) of (对
象)in(place/country)from …to…
2According to the figure , it is not spurring findings that there was/were 总体趋势的描述(the overall trend tended to indicate…/the general trend is…/其他)
结尾1In conclude , the overall trend tended to illustrate ……during this **-year period
2the data/statistics/figures lead us to the conclusion that……这些数据资料令我们得出结论……
线状图1.先(上升/下降)后(下降/上升)，之后便平稳
(1)According to the data , the years from …to…saw/winess a rise/climb/drop in the number/rate/percentage/proportion of 对象 from数据to数据，which was followed by a rapid decrease/reduce/increase over the ** years.
(2)The number/rate…droped/went up again from…in ** year to…in ** year and then went up/clined gradually until ** year ,when there was a leveling off/leveling out at 数据 for 一段时间。
(3) this is a cure graph which describes the trend of……这个曲线图描述了……的趋势。
2.对峰值和低谷的描述
(1)Also it can be noticed that in ** year ,the number/percentage … reached the buttom . However/on the
contrary,**year saw the peak during this period.
(2)……时间点 ，when the number/percentage reached(amounted to)to a peak of… / a high point at …
(3)……时间点,when the number/percentage bottomed out (at…)
3.趋势相同描述
(1)The proportion/number of 对象 in the xx and xx are similar and follow the same trend.In ** the figures were xx% and xx% respectively,rising to xx% and xx% respectively in **,after dipping to xx% and xx% respectively in **.(总体的趋势介绍)Thereafter,分开介绍即可
(2)the number of……remained steady/stable from (month/year) to (month/year).……月(年)至……月(年)……的数量基本不变。
4.对未来的表述以及转换词
(1)…is projected to…… as to
(2)…is expected to…… as for
(3)…is forcasted to …… …is estimated to…
5. 对波动的描述
(1)as can be seen from the graph,the two curves show the flutuation of…如图所示，两条曲线描述了…的波动情况。
(2)……fluctuated dramatically between xx% and xx% during …period .
此外，在描述过程中还有很多的conjunctional words/sentences，最常用的固定搭配如下：
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你可能喜欢Westminster Confession of Faith, the Heidelberg Catechism, the Belgic_甜梦文库
Westminster Confession of Faith, the Heidelberg Catechism, the Belgic
Christian Origins of International Law -Ruben Alvarado Columbus -Steve Wilkins Schaeff ergsPhilosophy of History -William Burnside Leithart The Environment -P Cordwainer Smith -James Jordan Interview with Dr. Greg BahnsenBook reviews byWilliam Burnside-Cur%lsCrenshaw--David Engelsma~ m e cL m h .y-Michael W. Kelley- Pemw 4 Leicham . - Roger SchultsCHRIST COLLEGE1(Established in Virginia 1989) *We believe in the full authority of the Bible as expressed in the Westminster Confession of Faith, the Heidelberg Catechism, the Belgic Confession, and the Canons of Dort. We are Reformed in theology. *We teach a comprehensive Biblical Worldview in all areas of study. God's Word is the foundation of all knowledge. *We have a high view of God's revealed law in both Old and New Covenants, as a basis for social and political ethics. *We believe in the ultimate triumph of God's sovereign grace which will impact the world. *We believe in very limited constitutional civil government and a free enterprise economic system. *We believe in and encourage Christian home-education (and enthusiastically accept homeschoolers), as well as Christian schools. *We offer a Bachelors degree in Theology, Philosophy, History, Political Economy, and Christian Education. Students may also take coursework (e.g. Accounting, Business, Modem Languages, Sciences) at nearby Liberty University, a Christian school.Board of Trustees: Dr. Greg L. Bahnsen, M.Div., Th.M., Ph.D.; Dr. Kevin L. Clauson, M.A., J.D. (President); Dr. Carl Curtis, M.A., Ph.D.; Rev. Richard E. Kcodel, M.Div. (HEAV Board); Dr. Rod Mays, M.Ed., D.Min.; Rev. Donald H. Post, M.Div. Many nationally-known Christian scholars involved. Current &resident faculty& of six men.Write for more information:Christ CollegeP.O. Box 11135 Lynchburg, Virginia 24506Historical InterpretationIn this issue we consider what it means to be a Christian history teache r o r historian. How d o doctrinal convictions about the rule of Christ and making disciples of the nations impact the way he tells the story of the past? We also have applied history. Reprinted here from the Summer 1991 S'rnbiotica is Ruben Alvarado's study of the rise of Christian international law theory from the need to address the conduct of Spain in the New World. Steve Wilkins examines Columbus in view of the questions which will be vigorously debated in thi5 509th anniversary year of the discovery of America O n the theoretical side, William Burnside explains the philosophy o f history of Francis Schaeffer. This Christian leader has had a great impact o n a generation of students, awakening them from escapist pietism to an awareness of God's claims over all of culture. Lately it has become the fashion o n both the left and the right to disparage his views. What did he really teach about the development of God's plan in history? 'Two articles take us a step in the direction that our subtitle promises a Reformed examination of the whole of culture. James Jordan comments on the career of science fiction author &Cordwainer Smith& and Peter Leithart offers a biblical theology of the environment. The book reviews, which provided so much excitement in the first issue, have been expanded with a large panel of reviewers. Once again Gary North1\ books come under examination! This time there are three very different per~~pectives We promised an open journal for the purpose ot dcbate trom Ilct'ormed viewpoints and we are beginning to deliver on that promise. Numerous solid reviews round out the issue Several promised reviews and a column wcre postponed until the Spring issue. To subscribe see page 33LoNTRAM~A Reformed Cultural ReviewFeaturesVitoria's N e w World Order Ruben Alvarado Columbus and t h e N e w World Order Steve Wilkins The lmportace of Francis Schaeffer Today The God Who Is There In Time and Space and History William H. Burnside The Genesis of History T.E. Wilder Biblical Perspectives on t h e Environment Peter J. L e i t h a r t Christianity in t h e Science Fiction of 'Cordwainer Smith' James B. Jordan Interview w i t h Dr. Greg BahnsenCommentaryp. 41 The Evangelical Meltdown p. 76 In t h e AcademyBook Reviews49 J.M. Cascione In Search of t h e Biblical Order Kenneth L. Gentry, J r . An A r t i s t i c Hermeneutic53Michael Buckley A t t h e Origins of Modern AtheismWilliam Burnside The God That Is Inferred 59 James G. Friesen Uncovering t h e M y s t e r y of MPD Joseph K. Neumann Off t o a Good S t a r t 60 Gary North Millennialism and Social Theory Michael W . Kelley W h e r e IS History Going? 63 Gary North Dominion & Common Grace David J. Engelsma Common Bounty o r Grace? 65 Gary North Unconditional Surrender John W . Robbins Queer Christianity 68 John H. Gerstner Wrongly Dividing t h e Word ofTruthC u r t i s Crenshaw Rightly Divining Dispensational Doctrine 7 0 George Steiner Real Presences Peter J. L e i t h a r t Idols of A r t 73 Ronald Wells History Through the Eyes of Faith Roger Schultz Through Barthian EyesT..E. Wilder, Editor Roger Schultz, History Editor O 1 9 3 1 Contra h4undumCONTRA MUNDUM PO BOX 32652 FRIDLEY MN
Vitoria's New World OrderThe Great Commission and the Discovery of the New WorldRuben AlvaradoFrancisco de Vitoria was a man fired by a concern that justice and proper treatment the duty of laying down the law - God's law - to Emperor, Pope, and the high mightinesses of sixteenth century imperial Spain. His work stands as a monument to Christian scholarship, both intellectually and spriritually.he year 1492 constitutes a landmark in the history of the world. It marks the beginning of Europe's great reorientation: from internal to external growth, from rebuilding a civilization devastated in the previous hundred years by plague, famine, and civil war, to expanding it precociously into the world beyond. In the year 1492 Spain, the nation which would prove to be at the center of this expansion, achieved two remarkable and complementary goals, both of fundamental importance: the final expulsion of the Moors, bringing about a victorious conclusion to the centuries-long struggle between Christian and Muslim for control over the I and the discovery of the New World, the so-called &Indies&, by the Genoese Christopher Columbus in service to the Spanish crown. The latter brought a b o u t a shift in perspective, a broadening of horizons, which reverberated throughout the West. At once Europe was on the world stage in a way it had never been, bringing a heady consciousness of globalism as yet unknown to medieval man. As the midsixteenth century Spanish historian Francisco L6pez de G6mara put it: &The greatest event since the creation of the world (excluding the incarnation and death of Him who created it) is the discovery of the ~ndies.&' The discovery of the New World constituted the most important in a series of discoveries made by Portuguese and Spanish explorers, opening new avenues and opportunities for trade and exchange with foreign lands. Earlier in the fifteenth century the Portuguese had already been conducting exploratory voyages steadily further down the coast of Africa. Vasco da Gama's rounding of the Cape of Good Hope at the turn of the century, and consequent discovery of a route to India and the Far East independent of the Mediterranean Sea (and consequently of Venetian and Turkish control), opened a new era for trade to the East Indies, whose importance rivalled that of the New World. The reach of the European market was dramatically increased within the span of a few years. The new trade routes and the abundance of resources made available through these discoveries put Portugal and especially Spain at the center of an Atlantic-oriented trade network, which began to supplant the heretofore-dominant Mediterranean-based trade-system. The center of gravity of European trade had been located in the Mediterranean Sea, especially by virtue of Venice's preponderance in the eastern Mediterranean by which she controlled trade~ u b e Alvarado is President of the Institute for Christian Economicsn Europe and editor of Syr,zbiotica published in Nijmegen. The hs Netherlands, in which t i article first appeard. @ 1991 by ICE-Europe, Weezenhof 34-89. 6536 GR Nijmegenbe given the Indian nations conquered by his fellow Spaniards. H e did not shrink frombetween Europe and Asia. With the new route to the East around Africa Venice's monopoly was undercut. The vast amount of resources available in the West Indies and the growth of the Spanish colonial empire further worked for a shift in the traditional trading pattern. Much more of European trade was now channelled through Pormgal and Spain along these new routes, since the crowns of these countries reserved actual trading privileges to themselves. Paradoxical as it may seem, the actual coordination and exploitation of this new trading system was overseen and coordinated not by the Portuguese and the Spanish but by large financial and mercantile interests mainly out of other areas of Europe. Thus the official reservation of all trading privileges to subjects of the respective crowns had the actual effect of merely restricting the physical points of entry and exit to the crown-designated cities in Portugal and Spain, mainly Lisbon and Seville. In actuality the city which increasingly formed the center of this new trading system was Antwerp. There all of the flows of manufactured goods to the New World and Asia, as well as the silver, the pepper, the raw materials from East and West came to be chamelled. The financial coordination of this trade was also carried out by &remote control& as it were. The main offices of the major financial interests in Europe were located in Antwerp. These were the Augsburg and the Genoese bankers. in the first place the house of Fugger. They organized the trade between the New World and Spain, and that trade. along with loans to the Spanish crown, helped to make their fortunes.' Thus the imperial conquest by Spain of Mexico and Peru was not simply the result of the gallantry, deviousness, and brute force of the Spanish soldiers. Its impetus lay in the prospects of reward to be gained from the newlyexpanding economy, an economy increasingly controlled and administered by highly placed and exclusively privileged trading and financial interests intimately involved in the construction and expansion of the Hapsburg empire of Charles v . ~ the prospects for gain became evident As these interests were quick to join in, outfitting exploratory voyages as well as putting up the capital for efforts at colonization. For example. &it was Hungarian copper, mined by German entrepreneurs. which helped to finance the Portuguese voyages to the Indies and at least some of the Spanish ventures in South ~merica.&' The Genoese in Seville were from the beginning involved financially in the New World exploration and exploitation, beginning with Columbus's (a fellow Genoese) e ~ ~ e d i t i o nTheir s.~ connections to the monarchy and with relatives in Antwerp and Genoa positioned them very well within the growing commercial system.- CONTRA MUNDUM-2 -No. 2, Winter 1992 -The way in which the conquests were carried out reflected the new realities on the European scene. Just as the so-called &New Monarchies& with the support of finance kingpins were subjugating constitutionally-established free institutions at home, the advancing forces of the Spanish crown were subjugating the Indian nations in the New World with the support from this same source. The spread of the gospel was the formal legitima in actuality the Church was subordinated to the status of department of state, a tool for the pacification of subjects. The &New Monarchies& were creatures and benefactors of moneyed interests bent upon bringing as much of the inhabited globe under their control as possible. These interests enabled kings to make war on their subjects and their neighbors by providing the vast sums of money requi in exchange they received monopoly privileges in mining and banking which made for &the really great profits, the gigantic accumulations of capitalv6which overshadowed other sources of income and enabled them to supply the voracious requirements of monarchs, and in the process hrther binding them to their own interests. Accordingly, while the Spaniards did not arrive in the New World simply to obtain plunder - they brought wives they built cities, they established themselves permanently as residents of these lands, and brought much of &home& with them - still the lust for gold was paramount.' A spirit of gain had taken hold, fueled by the demands and the opportunities made possible by empire. It drove the colonists to subordinate all efforts at long-term, settled investment to short-term schemes of profit maximization in terms of current demands back in Europe. It required the forced subjugation of the Indian populations to those short-range schemes rather than long-term assimilation and amelioration in terms of peaceable, sustainable work relations. It required as well the massive importation of slaves from Africa for plantations geared to meet the demand for such novelties as sugar and tobacco. It is easy to exaggerate the degree to which such exploitation actually occurred. McAlister has explained how Spanish colonization was not a purely exploitative enterprise but involved long-term investment of people, labor, and capital from the Old World, belying the current stereotype that the English went to till the land, the Spanish went to loot it. Nevertheless, the presence of what he terms the &bonanza& or &get-rich-quick mendity did much to undermine more intelligent, humane, and just efforts at investment? Queen Isabella had declared at the very beginning of the conquest that &Castile possessed a just title to the Indies because of its obligation to evangelize the Indians. and, indeed, this was the sole justification for the presence of its subjects in those parts.&9 There were many who fervently believed in that goal, despite actions on the part of the conquerors which did so much to defeat that purpose. The propriety of the way in which the conquest and colonization of the Indies was being carried out was called into question: doubts and disputes arose over the degree to which the conquest of the Indies in fict exhibited a character exactly contrary to its ':vowed purpose. As Koenigsberger notes. &It is to the great credit of the Spaniards that they debated these problems passionately and learnedly - no other European nation did, before the eighteenth century.&'0Empire v . Community of Nations shis debate extended to the very foundations: the relationship of law and gospel, church and state, the doctrine of the just war. In fact it generated the formation of a new field of inquiry: that of universal, global international relations. Because the questions the discovery and conquest of the Indies raised were new ones - these were new lands, with unknown peoples, heretofore totally out of the picture with respect to the ages-old classical cum Christian world whose focus lay in the Mediterranean Sea - they generated the development of a body of principles, based in the Christian, scholastic tradition, but further developed in a novel way. The basic concept of international relations had heretofore lain in the concept of the jus gentiunt or law of nations developed during the time of the Roman empire and not essentially breaking from its classical-imperial ideal. The Roman conception was formally universal but nevertheless bounded by the physical extent of the Roman empire: it was what might be termed the &common law& of that empire, to which all subject nations were likewise bound. It thus depended on the supremacy of a human institution, viz. caesar.& But the discovery of the Indies, along with the incorporation of Africa as a continent into the world-picture and the realization of the vastness of the globe itself with its circumnavigation by Magellan (), rendered this kind of schematic obsolete. Rather than real or potential subjects of a universal Roman empire,12 the world was perceived to be made up of independent, autonomous peoples. each with their own governments, each capable of interrelationships with other mtions in terms of a jus gentium which bound them reciprocally but subordinated them to no supreme human i n s t i t u t i o n . T h e man w h o m a d e this c o n c e p t u a l breakthrough was the Dominican theologian Francisco de Vitoria. &Vitoria gives the jus gentium the character of jus intergentes, a juridical order binding human groups which are he creates, in short, the modern concept of international law.&13 Vitoria developed his ideas concerning the relationships of nations in a treatise devoted to the controversy over the Indies question. Actually his ideas were given-over two successive teaching years. It was the custom at the time for professors at the end of each year to give a relectio or review of an important matter of doarine. Vitoria, as Prima Professor of Theology at the LJniversityof Salamanca (thus the premier theologian of Spain), gave many of these in his twenty-year-long career there, of which fourteen have been preserved. The dectiones of 1538-9, De Indis [Of the Indies], summarized his ideas and were seminal to the future development of the field.''Empire, Conquest, and the Great Commissionhe text he chose, from the Bible, to be the focus of his relectio went to the heart of the s current debate. A Queen Isabella had affirmed. the only true title the Spaniards had to the conquest of the Indies concerned the necessity to bring the gospel to the &barbarian& nations there. Consequently Vitoria begins the relectio: &The passage which is to be reiterated is from Matthew: Disciple all tbe nations, baptizing tbenz in tbe name of tbe Fatber, of tbeCONTRA MUNDUM-- No. 2 , Winter 1992Son, and of tbe Holy Spirit. &Thus the first modern treatiseon international law consisted of an exposition of the meaning of the Great Commission. The controversy as he saw it consisted in three parts: by what right are the Indian nations subjected to the S what power do the princes of the Spaniards have over the Indian nations with respect to tempor what power d o both these princes and the Church have over the Indian nations with respect to spiritual things and religion.The Role of the ChurchFrom the outset of the relectio Vitoria is anxious to firmly establish one condition: that the Church possesses an independent authority and jurisdiction to deliberate over this question and render judgment accordingly. He emphasizes that the question, being a matter of conscience, is not a matter for the civil authorities to decide alone. Alluding darkly to the lack of attention which had been paid to ecclesiastical authority in the whole affair of the conquest t o date, Vitoria vigorously asserted the jurisdiction of the Church on the basis of Deuteronomy 17. He insists on the competence of the doctors which the Church has established to pronounce on matters of &conscience& which are of public import. As Belmin de Heredia underlines, Vitoria is anxious t o deny the monopoly of jurisdiction asserted by secular authorities and jurists. &The promoters of the committed scandal pretend without foundation to monopolize judgment over an affair which affects the conscience and falls, therefore, under the jurisdiction of the moral theologian.&15they lack the reason necessary to self-government and therefore require to be governed by others. Vitoria denies that these ~ndians in such a state. &There is a certain are method in their affairs,& he declares, &for they have polities which are orderly arranged and they have definite marriage and magistrates, overlords, laws, and workshops, and a system of exchange, all of which call for the use of reason: they also have a kind of religion. Further, they make no error in matters which are self- this is witness to their use of reason.&16 Their apparent lack of reason is due more to their poor education and their being so long strangers to the gospel than to their inherent nature. &Accordingly I for the most part attribute their seeming so unintelligent and stupid t o a bad and barbarous upbringing, for even among ourselves we find many peasants who differ little from brutes.&&Universal Rule of Emperor or Pope?Having thus declared the Indians true possessors of rights of civil sovereignty prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, Vitoria proceeds to consider titles of conquest by which the Spanish actions might conceivably be justified. Firstly he describes what he considers illegitimate titles. And number one on the list is the one springing out of the old imperial dream: that the Holy Roman Emperor is ips0 facto ruler of the entire earth, and therefore the Indian nations owe him obedience. Vitoria rather argues that the nations since their creation after Babel have been independent polities, and the empires that have arisen were never world- the only universal reign is that of Christ's since His ascension. and that is a spiritual reign, to which all temporal powers, including the Emperor, are subjected. Therefore the Emperor's pretentions to universal mle are groundless. Those who would argue, on the other hand, for the Pope's universal dominion over all the nations by virtue of being the Vicar on earth of Christ the King, are also gravely in error?argues Vitoria. The Pope cannot grant the Indian nations into the power of the Spaniards. Even though he be the Vicar of Christ, he possesses thereby only a spiritual authority, and the civil authorities are subjected thereby to him only insofar as it concerns spiritual things, the things having t o d o with spiritual redemption. Temporal authority is therefore only indirectly subject to spiritual authority, by virtue of the ultimately spiritual telos or end of all temporal things. What is more, only those temporal authorities which have received the faith are subject to the spiritual authority of the P the unbelieving nations are not under his jurisdiction. Vitoria supports this assertion by an appeal to I Corinthians 5:1213: &For what have I to do to judge them also that are without? do not ye judge them that are within? But them that are without God judgeth.&The Pre-Conquest Status of the Indian NationsThus defending his inquiry into what many considered to be a closed subject already dealt with properly by both Ferdinand and Isabella and later Emperor Charles, Vitoria proceeds to analyze the substance of the titles of conquest. In order to affirm a right of conquest it was held that the Indian nations possessed no rights of sovereignty - they held, from a Christian perspective, no legitimate title to an independent civil existence - and therefore a Christian nation held the right of conquest over them. Their status either as sinners and infidels, or as irrational creatures or idiots would deprive them of the rights of sovereignty. Vitoria proceeds therefore to analyze the status of the Indians prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in order to determine the applicability of these charges. He first declares that even though the Indians, being idolators, lie in &mortal sin&, such does not of itself deprive them of these rights. Even Christian princes and kings do not lose their sovereignty if in mortal sin - otherwise kingdoms would change hands every day. Priests do not lose their authority when in mortal sin, as the Church since Au how much more so those in civil authority, which is of less weight than spiritual authority? And the Indians are in their present state because of ignorance, not in willful rebellion as would be the case with Christian priests or princes. Therefore they do not lose their rights of civil authority and sovereignty because of their spiritual state prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. It was also argued that the Indians lacked the power of ieason and therefore are denied such rights. even as Aristotle had declared some are naturally slaves becauseProper Use of the Spiritual PowerTherefore an appeal to either of the traditional medieval aspirants to universal dominion is denied by Vitoria. Vitoria does argue, however, that the Pope can and should play a mediating role in the disputes between Christian nations. &When princes are at variance with one another about some right of sovereignty and are rushing into war, he can act as judge and inquire into the claims of the parties and deliver judgement, a judgment which the princes are bound to respect. lest those numerous spiritual evils should befall which are the inevitable results of a war- CONTRA MUNDUM-4-No. 2, Winter 1992 -Here's a couple o reasons to buy life insurance.(And here's how to buy it.)$25,000 $l~,oOo $1 0 O 5, O O @ ~ , 0 0 0 $250,000 $sO&oOo 30 $100Iyear $110 $150 $196 $200 $275 40 100 140 184 208 210 340 45 102 165 223 200 234 385 50 127 188 243 317 375 635 55 162 247 346 434 523 965 60 222 383 550 706 863
650 950 20 70 438 986 90 4145 Affordable life Insurance policies for males, no tobacco, good health, non-risky work or avocations. Costs increase annually. Monthly pay costs more. Every 2 years policy change recommendedto keep costs low. Many other policies availablp. CALL for personal quote. Ask for Research Bulletin #L9145. Minimum MORAL policy is 8 times Dad's annual income.BMTA Stewardship Research Bunrau Post Office Box 249 cross Plains TX 76~3-0249I-800-Luv-LifeThat's 588-5433dable.Very Affordable.Apart from their reception of the gospel, may not war be made upon the barbarians for their vioiations of the law of nature which is common to aU nations? Vitoria again answers in the negative. Christian princes may not. even with the authority of the Pope, make war on barbarians e t e because of alleged violations of the law of nature ~ ~ amohgst themselves. Because the Pope n o jurisdic as St. Thomas says with reference to I Cor. improper use 5 , prelates only have jurisdi-aion over those who submit to the faith. Infidels, fornicators, and idolators lie outside But what if these barbarians are presented the gospel their jurisdiction, as Paul says. And these Indians are for and refuse to accept iC?;Boes 'rdQ the most part ignorant of that law, and ought not be authority to remand &ern in@ p u n w e d for what they do not comprehend. princes? No. says o'f % -i * t, v obliged to believe the gospel message if it is not accom' h e idea that the Indian nations have submitted to the rule ~f the Spaniards by their own free will is to be panied by miracles or other prooh or means % convincing. f rejected, because such agreements are valid only when free And even if the faith is presented-&bsriansdjnth& the of fear or ignorance. The b d a r i a n s have not known what M way and they do not accept it, ? @+&?i3nay~6&e;6&e;fo$ that reason make war upon Ti@ & h ~ ~ b a d $ a r m $ they were doing, nor did they understand what the Spaniards were offering. These offers were made by armed after having been beseeched and5dndnished do noPwish organized bodies to an unarmed and intimidated crowd. to listen to the preachers of rdigion they cannot be They also already had rightfully established princes and excused of mortal sin.19 If tes who could not lawfully be set aside, just as the to them in such a way could not lawfully deliver the nation into the hands are brought forth and I ign powers without the consent of the people. natural law are exhibited , confirmation of the Es~ecidly idea that the Indian nations have been the continually. the barbarians are obliged to reo the Spaniards by W u e of the special donation of Wtdyli : ., . , Christ under penalty ofm* G@, %s were the Canaanites to the Israelites, is to be r e c t e d . Just because the barbarians are great violaters of Naid iii dGLb ~ k %' d e t t ~ p j . . o d d b d~q p f , + s gcypql qd i the-mural law does not mean that they occupy a place fdrth to the k%arians tb t%e degree' anzbgous to the Canaanites. That a special case in that they'&& under ped k o r t a l & l3@are not .,,&kl&h,clear divine revelation was given to the Israelites, : obliged to. believe in that which has not bcxn,presented wb+ch is lacking in this case. Besides. among some Christians worse sins are committed than among these with probable'motives of persuasion. VitoriK then asserts hrbarians. that he haSkfiot heard of m h d e s or other signs. nor of religous &ples of lifestyl&.Qn the con-be has news of manv scandals and inhuman acts and acts of im~ietv ' )Che Rights of Natural Communication , ' - What then, constitute legitimate titles of conquest? perpe&ed,@ these regions: Fven though rhe& have been very religiofib ecclesiasticswo&ing there, theiiefforts have These do exist, and are to be divided into temporal and spiritual categories. They come in80 play whenever the been subverted by others wlfh very differefq'interests. basis for relations between peoples and nations, the rights what if,#e-&gospel is pro^+ presented to the Indians? ~e~ainingtotbenaturals~~*e~andcon*munic~on, are If they reject-it may not they tlyn be forcibly subjected to &dated, as well as the legitimate right to preach the gospel Christian kuthority? Wrong 'dgah, says Vitdria. Even if the k&e had5t& gbs$ef&*te&&& -to.;&* -& .. and b$d the Church throughout the world, barbs&& Byi virtue of the fact that all men ha& a common s u Q W n%umtr a ~ #my, do-@% accept $, tSlatsstiildpes @ ances(ry in Adam, all are neighbots. as Augustine &rmed not give $he right,tq.mak y a i on t h e 9 ordespoil $em. he 'declhi:~. ~t:ThciPliG''~aid tharth&k'M~o * with reference to the parable of the Good Samaritan. Thus of their g&s. 4 *peoples and all nations owe each other basic rights of have never received the faith, like Jews and Gent&%: cannot by any means be forced to believe. Truly it is friendship. of neighborliness. summed up in the idea of '6communication&.By this understanding all peoples have sa~dlege come to thet,sacrapea~,a,ndq ~ s t e r i e s faith #, of the freedom to travel within and between nations, as well &l$?laec+& i i c $ ~ 4 5 , ~ f i h e Council of as the freedom to do business and further. cotrtmerce T o l d 6 &s?th&:naane w&&&kewe to the Jews within and between nations. Princes may not infringe because God has mercy on those whom He will and either of these basic rights unless their practice in a specific hardens those+hprn H Gregory also in Qui Sincera declares that those who bring aliens to the faith through case redounds to the injury of their people. a harsh rather than gentle manner serve their own interests Thus the Spaniards have the right to travel to and . rather than the interest of God. The Christian emperors to within these ~ ~nations. iis contrary~ the d ~ never who had most holy and wise Popes as law of nations not to practice hospitality and treat visitors made war on infidels in order to secure their conversion. well, unless the foreigners misbehave. h ~ ~ i ~among ~ h i ~ d men exists by natural law and it is against nature to shun%between Christian princes.&18 This illustrates Vitoria's meaning when he speaks of the subjection of the temporal to the spiritual power. Since war Involves many spiritual evils, jurisdiction over the parties involved accrues to the spiritual power in order to properly account for those spiritual ends. Notice that in& this VFotia 'declares',qbg'princes to be bound by the d e d o n of the spiritual power. Such a mediatory spiritudpower is what he ccthsfders the jurisdiction of the Church. Vitoria expiicitly notes that such a power is not restrict pertains to every bishop it is the power he h w s e about the Indies.:. ; ' -War, thus, does not constitute an argument in favor of Christianity.Intervention for Violations of the Law o Nature? f-a4r-&- CONTRA MUNDUM-6-+No. 2, Winter 1992 -the society of harmless folk.&20 Since natural and divine law confer these rights of communication, any human law which infringes them is null and void. Those things which the Indians allow other strangers to share in may not be legitimately denied the Spaniards. The Institutes of Justinian declare that &by natural law running water and the sea are common to all, so are rivers and harbors, and by the law of nations ships from all parts may be moored therev2': the freedom of the seas is guaranteed by the rights of natural community and communication. The Spaniards also possess the right to conduct trade with these nations so long as they do not harm them, &as, for instance, by importing thither wares which the natives lack and by exporting thence either gold or silver or other wares of which the natives have a b ~ n d a n c e . This is a &~~ rule of the jus gentiunz, which is the same between Christian nations as between other nations. For example: &It is clear that if the Spaniards kept off the French from trade with the Spaniards, and this not for the good of Spain, but in order to prevent the French from sharing in some advantage, that practice would offend against righteousness and charity.&23 These rights apply regardless of religious belief Christian princes have no right to deprive Muslims or Jews of their property because they refuse to believe in Christ - &the act would be theft or robbery n o less than if it were done to ~ h r i s t i a n s . & ~ ~ &neither may the native princes Thus hinder their subjects from carrying on trade with the S nor, on the other hand, may the princes of Spain prevent commerce with the natives.&25 If the Indians adhere to this rule the Spaniards have no more right to seize their goods than they do to seize the goods of Christian. Citizenship and its advantages also cannot be denied the children of Spaniards who are domiciled in any Indian nation, if that is desired. Domicile, and privileges of citizenship, also cannot be hindered, as long as the Spaniards are willing to shoulder the same burdens there as other citizens. If the Spaniards are denied any of these rights, they must first remonstrate with the offenders and attempt to bring them to a right understanding of the situation. showing all signs of their desire to live and &c peaceably among them without doing any damage to them at all nor posing any threat to them. If the Indians insist on denying these rights and appeal to violence, the Spaniards have the right to defend themselves even to the point of building forfScations, and if need be to prosecute war against them. If the Indians then insist on continual belligerence the Spaniards have the right to bring the full penalties of war against them, including despoliating them of their lands, possessions, but this must be done in due proportion to the provocation.order to remove scandal, may preach it despite their unwillingness and devote themselves to the conversion of the people in question, and if need be they may then accept or even make war, until they succeed in obtaining facilities and safety for preaching the ~ o s ~ e lThis ~ ~ . & condition applies also where preaching is allowed but converts are persecuted o r conversion is otherwise hindered. Such action must be done with moderation and even restraint since it could easily backfire and lead to the hardening of the populace against the gospel. And most definitely must war not be prosecuted t o secure conversion. &War is no argument for the truth of the Christian faith. Therefore the Indians can not be induced by war to believe. but rather to feign belief and reception of the Christian faith, which is monstrous and a sacrilege.&27Possible TitlesVitoria turns to some remaining titles of conquest not yet considered. As to the legitimacy of what Truyol Serra terms &colonization as a where the government of a nation is taken over because of the incompetence of the indigenous government in order to better provide for the welfare of the people, Vitoria is hesitant and circumspect. He can conceive of instances where such an assumption of sovereignty might be legitimate, but only where the issue is absolutely clear. The welfare of the populace must be the sole consideration. according to the principle of charity whereby the interests of one's neighbor are to be looked after. &Let this, however, as I have already said, be put forward without dogmatism and subject also to the limitation that any such interposition be for the welfare and in the interests of the Indians and not merely for the profit of the Spaniards. For this is the respect in which all the danger to soul and salvation lies.&29 A title of conquest is appropriate where the rulers are tyrants or where innocent people are condemned to death for ritual purposes, sacrificed or killed for cannibalistic purposes. The Spaniards can by right intervene here in order to save innocent people from unjust death. If, also. the Indians deliver over their government to the Spaniards freely and voluntarily. such is a legitimate act. Both prince and people must give consent to such a transferral of sovereignty. Fear and ignorance must be absent, which cannot be said for the titles gained which are now under consideration. Finally, the Spaniards may ally with one Indian nation against another if their cause is a just one. Such is entirely legal, and the rewards of war which would accrue to the Spaniards, entirely acceptable.Vitoria's Achievement: A Practical Theology of International Relationsere in bare outline is Vitoria's De Indis. The first modern treatise on international relations constitutes a ringing defense of the rights of nations as such. and, just as important and just as indispensible, of the role of the Church in mediating those relations. That Vitoria used the Great Commission as the test upon which his exposition was based was no accident. His treatment constitutes a brilliant outworking of its implications for international relations. It was no mean achievement to champion the rights of heathen nations over against Christian ones, in a climate in which the forces of conquest and subjugation in the name of Christ we no less courageousThe Rights of Spiritual CommunicationThus far Vitoria outlines the rights pertaining to the natural society and natural communication With regard to spiritual things - thc preaching of the gospel and the extension of the Church - rights I ' cwisc accrue which cannot be denied by the Indian nation. Yow the Spaniards have the right to preach the gospcl treely amongst the Indians, and if they are dlowed that freedom then war cannot be made upon them nor may their lands in any way be seized. But if the Indians. either princes or people, do not allow this freedom, &after first reasoning with them in- No.2, Winter 1992-7-CONTRAMUNDUM -'was the &rmation of the rights of the Church to oversee and pass judgment on the conduct of the secular Christian princes, at a time when these princes were using the Church, in both Protestant and Catholic countries, in order to further their own dominion. The rights of the heathen nations considered together with the rights of the Church mean the subordination of secular interests to the interests of the Kingdom of Christ. The preaching of the gospel, the discipling of the nations, bringing them to submission to Christ, are the ultimate goal of Christian civilization. Christian princes are then to restrict their appetites in order to ensure the achievement of that goal. Thus the rights of the spread of the gospel, and of the free interchange between sovereign nations, are to be paramount, while the political dominion of secular empire, denied. Vitoria establishes an &empire of law&, so to speak, in which the role of the secular power is simply to maintain peaceable and equitable relationships among the peoples regardless of race, color, creed, or nationality. The secular is to protect everyone in their common rights of &communication&. Additionally the freedom of the preaching of the gospel is to be presemed, even to the point of using force to ensure that freedom. Secular &communication& and spiritual &communication& are thus mutually reinforcing. The freedom to travel and conduct trade fosters the growth of mutual ties and understanding, laying the groundwork for the preaching of the gospel. The gospel reestablishes the peoples in the fullness of community with God and man which is the cause of schism and of war. It is the role of the Church to watch over the way in which the secular power carries out its God-given duties and ensure compliance with the law of God. The theocratic basis of Vitoria's exposition is thus crucial. The Church mediates between the nations in the interest of that law, both for the good of the Church and for the good of all peoples, because the gospel message cannot be received unless it be freely preached and the peoples be free to accept it. Compulsion is simply out of the question here. With the grawth of the Church International the spiritual Kingdom of Christ expands into al the world, in fuElhent l of the Great Commission. Thus the ultimate purpose of international law, which Vitoria clearly perceived, is to enable the fulfdlment of that Commission. What impact did Vitoria's exposition have on the contempora& situation? For one thing, very soon after its appearance a new set of laws for the Indies, the Nuevas Leyes de Indias, showing the clear influence of his ideas. But the Council of the Indies, the body commissioned by Charles to determine policy, appears mainly to have ignored Vitoria: he appears to have been more influential in New Spain than in Old. Charles himself took some notice of his work, recommending, for instance, that problems brought to his attention by priests returning from the New World be referred to Vitoria for his counsel.30 Be that as it may, it is apparent that the strongest powers behind the colonization movement, the mercantile and financial interests, had something other than the spread of the gospel and Christ's Kingdom in mind. In fact they were doing everything in their power to ensure that the Church would have as little influence as possible in the way the colonization was conducted. So while the crown, influenced by the followers of Vitoria, legislated in favorof the rights and protections for the Indians, the actual practice fell far short of such ideals. The power behind the crown ensured that the crown used the gospel, and the Church, as a tool for the expansion of imperial dominion. This reversal in priorities became the rule for all of the Christian nations. The submergence of the Church into the role of chaplain to the secular power, or her sidelining into the limbo of privatization, made this arrangement permanent. The result has been five centuries of the expansion of, a n d c o n t i n u o u s warfare b e t w e e n , autonomous modern nation-states: &the rise and fall of the great powers&.31 The vision of Francisco de Vitoria must be reavnrooriated if we are ever to break out of this partic$& &ion of cyclical history.brSge: At the University Press. 1969). 1 0 An excellent description of the impact of the New World on the o h , both subjectivety and mate&. is given in this book. 2. H.G. Koenigsberger. Early Modern Europe
(London and New York Longman. 1987). pp. 33- 91. 3. Indeed it was the house of Fu er which virtually urchased the election of Charles to the imperial [gone. Consider the khowing letter written by Jacob Fugger to Charles, reminding him of his debt: It is clear as the light of day that your Imperial Majesty would not have attained to the Roman Crown without my help. because many of the princes re osed their faith and their confidence in me and no one else. If I hafleft the house of Austria in the lurch and favored France, the money and goods that they would render me would not be lacking. To such a degree have I neglected my own interest. Quoted in Rambn Carande. Carlos Vy sus Batuj'ueros Charles V and his Banken] (Barcelona: Editorial Critica. 1973. i, p 4h. 4. Koenigsberger, Early Modern Europe, p. 33. 5 . Ruth P i e , Enterprise atln Aherrture: The Genoese in Sevflle and the Opening of the Netu World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 1966). 6. Koenigsberger, E d y Modern Europe, p. 33. 7 . And not only to them but also those of other nationalities likewise i n v o k d in the colonization of New Spain: L le N McAlister, Spaitz G Portugal in the New World, I4!X?-I ( o d o r 2 oxford University Press, 700 1984). pp. 80-1. 108. 8. McAlister, Spain 6 Portugal, pp. 108, 213, 247f. 9. McAlister, Spain 6 Portugal. p. 78. 10. Koenigsberger, Larly Modern Europe, p. 93. 11.Antonio Tmyol Serra (ed.), Tbe Princi Ies of Political and ItzternaVitorfa (Madrid: Ediciones tioml Iatu in the Work of Francisco Cultura Hispanica. 1946), p. 53. 12. A dream which Lived on into the sixteenth century: Frances Yates, Astrea: TbeItnperial Thetne in tbe Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975). 13. Tmyol Serra. Principles of Political a t d Internrttionnl Law. p. 53. 14. The De Indis is available in English in J. Scott Brown. Tbe S nish Ori en of Itttmntional Law Part I: Prmtrcisco a2 Vitoria and E I a t u ofl$ations Oxford and London. 1934). For convenience' sake I will cite here from $myol Sern's abridged translation (see n. 11above). 15. Vicente Beltran de Heredia, R. P., Awncisco de Vitoria (Barcelona et al, Editorial Iabor, S.A., 1939). p. 84. 16. Tmyol Serra. p. 58. 17. Ibidem. 18. Tmyol Serra. pp. 60-1. 19. Vitoria uses here the Roman Catholic distinction between venial and mortal sins. h venial sin is one which does not in itself result in a soul' a mortal sin. on the other hand, is one which does. Protestants, of course, reject this distinction. 20. Tmyol Serra. p. 61. 21. Tmyol Serra. p. 63. 22. Tmyol Serra. p. Gi. 23. Ibidem. 24. Tmyol Serra. p. 65. 25. Tmyol Serra, pp. 65-6. 26. Tmyol Serra, p. 67. 27. Tmyol Serra. p. 68. 28. Ibidem. 29. Tmyol Serra, pp. 68-9. 30. See Vicente Beltdn, Frarzcfsco& Vitoria, pp. 130ff. 31. Paul Kennedy, The Rise a ? ~ d FaN o thc Great Potuers: Ecorzotnic Change and Militmy Cotzj7ict from 15 0 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1987).1. uoted in J.H. Elliott. The Old World a d the New, e(dam-bd- CONTRAMUNDUM-8-No. 2, Winter 1992 -Columbus and the New World OrderSteve Wilkins&Columbus scholarship is a fertile ground for that peculiar academic blindness whereby an interesting but indefensible hypothesis is followed to its logically necessary but increasingly lunatic conclusions.& - Peter Hulmet t h e f o u r h u n d r e d t h a n n i v e r s a r y of Columbus' voyage to America (in 1892), nearly every nation of Europe and the West joined in the celebration. Festivities and praise for the Admiral of the Ocean Sea ran high and uninhibited. The Roman Catholic Church even consizered the discoverer for patron saint status. What a difference a century makes! How strange it would be for the participants in the four hundredth anniversary t o see what's going r o u n d o n the quincentenary. We who have the privilege of living in this enlightened age are being told (loudly) that whatever Columbus was. he most certainly was n o saint. He was (and here I draw from a nearly inexhaustible supply of politically correct and environmentally &sensitive& literature that has been sent to me): a rapist, a &plunderer&, a slave trader, an &eco-fascist&. a racist, a mass murderer, and (my personal favorite) the &Instigator of the Big Lie&. The ever trendy National Council of Churches started all this with a statement issued last year which charged Columbus with &invasion, genocide, slavery, and 'ecocide'.& Others have followed the lead of these eccentric churchlings by charging the Admiral with &grand theft, racism, initiating the destruction of a culture, rape, torture, and maiming of indigenous people&. Let's see, is anything left out? Imperialism, greed, racism, and environmental insensitivity - all the mortal sins of the Politically Correct Not to be left out, the Indians (now known as the &Native Americans&) have joined the chorus complaining t h a t . & C o l u m b u s w a s p o s s e s s e d by a n e t h i c of destruction.. . We see him sort of like a creature out of science fiction, an alien from another planet who sort of zipped down and imposed a new way of life, against which there has been a guerrilla struggle to this very day.&' In addition, we are being inundated with &unbooks& to lend documentation to these rantings (Kirkpatrick Sale's Tbe Conquest of Paradise. Barry Lopez's Tbe Rediscovety of Nortb America, Hans Koning's Columbus: His Enterprise, a n d most recently, &A Quincentennial Commemoration& edited by Herman J . Viola and Carolyn Margolis entitled Seeds of Cbange). Each is little more than leftist propaganda dressed up as history. What can be said in the face of all this madness? Is it all just so much folderol? Is it merely another smear campaign against our traditions and heroes? Even Columbus' defenders have begun a safe (and quiet) retreat. Better not to say anything than to risk being branded a racist, a fascist, or (horror of horrors!) an ecocidal-maniac. Rev. Steve Wilkins is the author ofAMERICA: The First 350 Years. (For further information see page 15.) @ 1991 by Steve Wilkins Maniac or no, I do want to address a number of issues that have been raised by the &Columbus-bashers&. A fair reading of the history of the man and the times in which he lived may lead us to a more balanced perspective.Was Columbus a Christian?s C h r i s t i a n s , w e believe t h e key t ounderstanding all things is faith. So. the most important question when seeking to understand men or movements is &What did they believe?& Was Columbus a Christian? To answer such a question is ultimately impossible. God alone knows the heart. Yet the judgment of charity demands that we accept the profession of a man unless there is clear evidence which forces us to conclude otherwise. Columbus always (and quite clearly) professed Christianity. He was one of those pre-Reformation saints w h o , t h o u g h filled with many of t h e e r r o r s a n d superstitions of Rome, held a remarkably evangelical faith. Many passages from his writings point us to this faith: I am a most unworthy sinner, but I have cried out to the Lord for grace and mercy and they have covered me completely. I have found the sweetest consolation since I made it my whole purpose to enjoy His marvelous presence. No one should fear to undertake any task in the name of our Savior, if it is just and if the intention is purely for His holy service. The working out of all things has been assigned to each person by our Lord, but it all happens according to His sovereign will. even though He gives advice. He lacks nothing that it is in the power of men to give Him. 0 what a gracious Lord, who desires that people should perform for Him those things for which He holds Himself responsible! Day and night, moment by moment, everyone should express to Him their most devoted gratitude. I spent seven years in the royal court.. .and in the end they concluded that it was all foolishness. so they gave it up. But since things generally came to pass that were predicted by our Savior Jesus Christ, we should also believe that this particular prophecy will come to pass. In support of this, I offer the gospel text, Matthew 24:25, in which Jesus said that all things would pass away. but not his marvelous Word. He also affirmed that it was necessary that all things be fulfilled that were prophesied by himself and by the prophets. I said that I would state my reasons: I hold alone to the sacred and Holy Scriptures, and to the interpretations of prophecy given by certain devout persons.- No. 2 , Winter1992-9-CONTRA MUNDUM -The Holy Scripture testifies in the Old Testament by the prophets and in the New Testament by our Redeemer Jesus Christ, that this world must come to an end. The signs ofwhen this must happen are given by Matthew, Mark, and Luke. The prophets also predicted many things about it. Our Redeemer Jesus Christ said that before the end of the world, all things must come to pass that had been written by the prophets. Isaiah goes into great detail in describing future events and in calling all people t o o u r holy catholic faith ... For the execution of the journey to the Indies I did not make use of intelligence, mathematics, or maps. It is simply the f u l w e n t of what Isaiah prophesied.. . These are great and wonderful things for the earth, and the signs are that the Lord is hastening the end. The fact that the gospel must still be preached to so many lands in such a short time - this is what convinces me.2 Over and over again, Columbus states the purpose of his voyages to be that of bringing Christianity to the pagan isles. Note the following stated purpose of his first voyage: And your Highnesses, as Catholic Christians and Princes, devoted to the holy Christian faith and the propagation thereof - and enemies of the sect of Mohammet and of all idolatries and heresies, resolved to send me, Christopher Columbus, to the said regions of India, to see the said Princes and peoples and lands and the disposition of them and of all and the manner which may be undertaken their conversion to our holy faith.3 The second voyage had a similar end in view. The instructions from Ferdinand and Isabella declare the prime object of the voyage to be the conversion of the natives4 The directives from the sovereigns for the third voyage in 1497 specify that Columbus engage priests to go with him to administer the sacraments and to &convert the Indians native of the said Indies to our Holy Catholic ~ a i t h . & ~ This expressed desire for the spiritual well-being of the natives never left Columbus. His Journal entry for Thursday, November 27, 1492, records this request: And I say that Your Highnesses must not allow any stranger, except Catholic Christians, to trade here or set foot here, for this was the alpha and omega of the enterprise, that it should be for the increase and glory of the Christian religion and that no one should come to these parts who was not a good ~hristian.~ Columbus desired that part of his estate be used to erect a church in Hispaniola along with a hospital for the people of that region. He also specified that his heirs &maintain and support in Hispaniola four good Masters of Sacred Theology&, whose main concern would be to work for the conversion of the natives.' The unanimous testimony of those who knew him confirm the sincerity of Columbus' piety. His son Ferdinand, who was with his father throughout the last six years of his life says, &In matters of religion he was so strict l that for fasting and saying al the canonical offices he might have been taken for a member of a religious order. And he was so great an enemy to cursing and swearing, that I never heard him utter any other oath than 'by San Fernando!' and when he was most angry with anyone, his- CONTRAMUNDUMreprimand was to say, 'May God take you!' for doing or saying that. And when he had to write anything, he would not try the pen without first writing these wordsJesus cum Maria sit nobis in via [&Jesus and Mary be with us on the way&], and in such fair letters that he might have gained his bread by them a ~ o n e . & ~ Bartolome de las Casas, who is severely critical of Columbus in regard to his management of the colonial aspects of the enterprise, says this about his faith in his account, Historia de las Zndias, In matters of the Christian religion, without doubt he was a Catholic a for in everything he did and said or sought to begin he always interposed 'In the name of the Holy Trinity I will do this', or 'launch this' or 'this will come to pass'. . . He observed the fasts of the Church most faithfully, confessed and made communion often, read the canonical offices like a churchman or member of a religious order, hated blasphemy and profane swearing, was most devoted to Our Lady and to the seraphic father St. F seemed very grateful to God for benefits received Erom the divine hand, wherefore, as in the proverb, he hourly admitted that God had conferred upon him great mercies, as upon David. When gold or precious things were brought to him, he entered his cabin, knelt down, summoned the bystanders, and said, 'Let us give thanks to Our Lord that he has thought us worthy to discover so many good things.' He was extraordinarily zealo he desired and was eager for the conversion of these people [the Indians], and that in every region the faith of Jesus Christ be planted and enhanced.. . He was a gentleman of great force and spirit, of lofty thoughts naturally inclined. ..to undertake worthy deeds an patient and long-suffering (as shall later appear), and a forgiver of injuries, and wished nothing more than that those who offended against him should recognize their errors, and that the delinquents be most constant and endowed with forbearance in the hardships and adversities which were always occurring and which were inc ever holding great confidence in divine providence.9 Even Columbus most famous modern biographer, Samuel Morison (at best a lukewarm admirer of everything about Columbus except his navigational skills), is convinced: He was Man alone with God against human stupidity and depravity, against greedy conquistadors? cowardly seamen, even against nature and the sea. Always with God, in that his bi for God is with men who for a good cause put their trust in Him. Men may doubt this, but there can be no doubt that the faith of Columbus was genuine and sincere. and that his frequent communlon with forces unseen was a vital element in his achievement. It gave him confidence in his destiny, assurance that his performance would be equal to the promise of his name. This conviction that God destined him to be an instrument for spreading the faith was far more potent than the desire to win glory, wealth and- 10 -No. 2, Winter 1992 -How Can Parents Lead Their Sons Safely Through The Teen Crises Years, To Become Healthy Christian Men?R. JAMES WILDER, clinical psychologist and ordained minister, shares his experience of preparing his own two boys for their most challenging years - adolescence. The story culminates in a three-day island campout where this father and his oldest son talk about the excitement and fears of life and the great unknown - growing up. Sensitive to the discomfort most fathers feel, Jim carefully demonstrates the ways to respond to a boy's needs and interests. Parents will laugh at these wonderful tales and will appreciate the gentle spirit in which they are written. Dr. Wilder offers practical guidance on how to help your adolescent son: - direct his rebellion - relate to irls in - appreciate his body an appea lng way image - develo a mature love - know the problems towar his Parents of today's music - see the tragedy of drugs - deal with those - understand ~ e e~ressure r sudden emotions - solve everyday problems and moods without fightingDk8'1ONLYGod's Word has much to say about these lifealtering issues. Men who grew up with a distorted view of their own masculinity and sexuality, abuse those powers and become a &hazzard to their communities and families.& So how does a boy become a man that girls do not fear? One of the better ways for boys to discover this right relationship, is for parents to set an inspired example.$12.95How to protect your children from sexual abuse (physical and emotional - both can be equally damaging) How dads can use their own past experience as a living example How to prepare your son for later independence while heading off rebellion If you have been a casualty in the war between the sexes, here is your opportunity to provide leadership at the right time. Parents can stay one step ahead of their kids' experiences, to assure that those experiences are healthy and holy, even if it's sooner than we'd like. Your son is going to find out about the storms of life from someone. James Wilders' book, Just Between Father and Son shows how that someone can be you.Here are just 6 of the many questions on adolescence discussed in this bookHow mothers can help create understanding men out of boys who &hate girls& How strong masculinity (protecting and nurturing) is built into sons instead of allowing them to become aggressors and users How to hear what your wife is really saying about your childrenOrder Just Between Father & Son from Contra Mundum Book ServiceCONTRA MUNDUM PO BOX 32652 FRIDLEY MN Send $12.95 plus $1.25 shipping & handlingFor UPS shipping send $12.95$14.20 $14.7078qplus $1.75 shipping & handngMkmesota Residents add 6% sales tax.- No. 2, Winter 1992- 11 -CONTRA MUNDUM-worldly honors, to which he was certainly far from indifferent.lo In contrast to the humanists of his day, who believed in salvation by a new environment (finding an earthly paradise, &the isles of the Blest&), Columbus was motivated by the Biblical gospel of salvation by God's grace and the new, re-created man. He was convinced that the name given him by his parents was prophetic: Christopher, &Christ-bearer&.He would bring Christ to the &second part of the world in fulfdlment of the Biblical prophecies. Those who refuse to take his faith seriously, are bound to misunderstand his life. For many however, Columbus' profession of Eaith raises more problems than it solves. How can we explain his seeming obsession with gold?What about the incidents of mistreatment of the natives about whom he expressed such pious concern? Do not these and other matters reveal his profession to be hypocritical? These serious matters should be addressed.Wasn't Columbus a Prideful, Greedy' Covetous Man?olumbus was a man and, as a man, was a sinner. Surely, he was subject to pride and covetousness as much as any other. He never confessed otherwise. No one (least of all, fellow Christians) should seek to rationalize or justify these sins in Columbus. He confessed freely that he fell prey to these evils. But though sin should never be justified, we can, in the spirit of charity, seek to understand the circumstances