inflection position 翻译中文 胡壮麟语言学中文版

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3秒自动关闭窗口mode的翻译中文意思|用法|音标|-在线英汉词典
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英文单词:mode
翻译中文意思|用法|音标|
mode: [ məud ]& &n. 方式,样式,时尚,时兴例句与用法:1.The country girl was not used to their lavish mode of living.&这个乡下姑娘不习惯他们奢侈的生活方式。2.The spacecraft was in its recovery mode.&这艘飞船处于返回状态。3.Living separately from parents after marriage is all the mode today.&婚后与父母分开住非常流行。4.Pertaining to the secure or coded mode of operation.&用于修饰或说明安全工作方式或编码工作方式。 英英解释:名词mode:1. how something is done or how it happens同义词:manner, style, way, fashion2. a particular functioning condition or arrangement3. a classification of propositions on the basis of whether they claim necessity or possibility or impossibility同义词:modality4. verb inflections that express how the action or state is conceived by the speaker同义词:mood, modality5. any of various fixed orders of the various diatonic notes within an octave同义词:musical mode6. the most frequent value of a random variable同义词:modal value
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2010专八语言学必背
编辑点评:语言学是对语言的系统研究,对于一个学习英语的人来说,应该懂一点语言学的知识,它可以在理论上对学习语言有指导作用,有助于更好的学习语言,下面介绍一点语言学知识。
II. Phonetics(语音学)1. scope of phoneticsSpeech sounds may be studied from different angles, thus we have at least three branches of phonetics:Articulatory phonetics(发音语音学)we may examine the way in which a speech sound is produced to discover which vocal organs are involved and how they coordinate(协调) in the process.Auditory phonetics (听觉语音学)we may look into the impression a speaker makes on the hearer as mediated(调节) by the ear, the auditory nerve(神经) and the brain.Acoustic phonetics (声学语音学) we study the physical properties of speech sounds, as transmitted(传送) between mouth and ear.2. The vocal organsThe vocal organs may be viewed as consisting of three parts, the initiator of the air-stream,(气流发生器官) the producer of voice(声音发生器官) and the resonating cavities.(声音共振器官)3. Consonants(辅音)Places of articulation(发音部位): bilabial,(双唇) Labiodentals,(唇齿) dental,(齿) alveolar,(齿龈) retroflex,(卷舌) palate-alveolar,(上齿龈) palatal,(上颚) velar,(软腭) uvular,(小舌) glottal(声门)Manners of articulation: plosive,(暴破) nasal,(鼻音) trill,(颤音) lateral,(边音) fricative,(摩擦) approximant,(近似音) affricate(破擦)4. Vowels (元音)The classification of vowels: the height of tongue raising (high, mid, low), the position of the highest part of the tongue(front, central, back), and the degree of lip rounding(rounded, unrounded)III. Phonology(音韵学)1. phonemes(音素):a distinctive(有区别的) sound in a language.2. Allophones(音位变体):The nondistinctive sounds are members of the same phoneme.3. Minimal pairs(最小对立体): word forms which differ from each other only by one sound.4. Free variation (自由变异):If two sounds occurring in the same environment(环境), they does not produce a different word form, but merely a different pronunciation of the same word.5. Complementary distribution(互补分布):Not all the speech sounds occur in the same environment. When two sounds never occur in the same environment6.Suprasegmental phonology(超音段音位):the study of phonological properties(性质) of units lager than the segment-phoneme. They are syllable(音节), stress,(重音) word stress, sentence stress. pitch (音调)and intonation(语调).IV. Morphology(词法)1. inflection(构形法):the grammatical relationships through the addition of inflectional affixes.(屈折词缀)2. Word-formation(构词):the processes(过程) of word variations signaling lexical relationships.(表明词法关系) They are compound(合成)and derivation (派生).3. Morpheme(词素): the smallest unit in terms of relationship between expression and content.4. Allomorph(同质异象变体): some morphemes have considerable variation, for instance, alternate shapes or phonetic forms.5. Types of morphemes: They are roots,(词根) affix(词缀) and stem(词干).From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For other uses, see .
Inflection of the
lexeme for "dog", which is cù for singular, chù for
with the number dà ("two"), and coin for plural.
In , inflection or inflexion – sometimes called accidence – is the modification of a word to express different
such as , , , , , , , and . The inflection of
is also called , and one can refer to the inflection of , , , , , , , , ,
An inflection expresses one or more grammatical categories with a ,
or , or another internal modification such as a vowel change. For example, the Latin verb ducam, meaning "I will lead", includes the suffix -am, expressing person (first), number (singular), and tense (future). The use of this suffix is an inflection. In contrast, in the English clause "I will lead", the word lead is not inflected for any of person, number, it is simply the
of a verb.
The inflected form of a word often contains both one or more
(a unit of meaning which can stand by itself as a word), and one or more
(a unit of meaning which cannot stand alone as a word). For example, the English word cars is a noun that is inflected for , specifically t the content morpheme car is unbound because it could stand alone as a word, while the suffix -s is bound because it cannot stand alone as a word. These two morphemes together form the inflected word cars.
Words that are never subject to inflection are said to be invariant; for example, the English verb
is an invariant item: it never takes a suffix or changes form to signify a different grammatical category. Its categories can be determined only from its context.
Requiring the forms or inflections of more than one word in a sentence to be compatible with each other according to the rules of the language is known as concord or . For example, in "the choir sings", "choir" is a singular noun, so "sing" is constrained in the present tense to use the third person singular suffix "s".
Languages that have some degree of inflection are . These can be highly inflected (such as , , , , and ), or weakly inflected (such as ). Languages that are so inflected that a sentence can consist of a single highly inflected word (such as many ) are called . Languages in which each inflection conveys only a single grammatical category, such as , are known as , while languages in which a single inflection can convey multiple grammatical roles (such as both nominative case and plural, as in Latin and ) are called . Languages such as
that never use inflections are called
In English most nouns are inflected for
with the inflectional plural
-s (as in "dog" → "dog-s"), and most English verbs are inflected for
with the inflectional past tense affix -ed (as in "call" → "call-ed"). English also inflects verbs by affixation to mark the third person singular in the present tense (with -s), and the present participle (with -ing). English short adjectives are inflected to mark comparative and superlative forms (with -er and -est respectively). In addition, English also shows inflection by
(sound change, mostly in verbs) and
(a particular type of sound change, mostly in nouns), as well as long-short vowel alternation. For example:
Write, wrote, written (marking by
variation, and also suffixing in the )
Sing, sang, sung (ablaut)
Foot, feet (marking by
variation)
Mouse, mice (umlaut)
Child, children (ablaut, and also suffixing in the plural)
For details, see , , and .
When a given
is subject to inflection in a particular language, there are generally one or more standard patterns of inflection (the paradigms described below) that words in that class may follow. Words which follow such a standard pattern are said to be regular; those that inflect differently are called irregular.
For instance, many languages that feature
inflection have both . In English, regular verbs form their
with the ending -[e]d; thus verbs like play, arrive and enter are regular. However, there are a few hundred verbs which follow different patterns, such as sing–sang–sung and keep–kept–kept; these are described as irregular. Irregular verbs often preserve patterns which were regular in past forms of the language, but which have now become anomalous. (For more details see
Other types of irregular inflected form include irregular , such as the English mice, children and women (see ) and the French yeux (the plural of oeil, "eye"); and irregular
forms of adjectives or adverbs, such as the English better and best (which correspond to the positive form good or well).
Irregularities can have four basic causes:
—where regular inflection would result in forms that sound esthetically unpleasing or are difficult to pronounce (English far → farther or further,
tener → tengo, tendré vs. comer → como, comeré)
—These are generally considered to have been formed independently of one another, so the student must memorize them when learning a new word. Example:
dīcō, dīcere, dīxī, dictum & Spanish digo, decir, dije, dicho.
—Sometimes two inflection systems exist, conventionally classified as "strong" and "weak." For instance, English and German have weak verbs that form the past tense and past participle by adding an ending (English jump → jumped, German machen → machte) and strong verbs that change vowel, and in some cases form the past participle by adding -en (English swim → swam, swum, German schwimmen → schwamm, geschwommen). Ancient Greek verbs are likewise said to have had a first
(?λ?σα) and a second aorist (?λιπον).
—The "irregular" form was originally derived from a different root. The comparative and superlative forms of good in many languages display this phenomenon.
For more details on some of the considerations that apply to regularly and irregularly inflected forms, see the article on .
Main articles:
Two traditional grammatical terms refer to inflections of specific :
Inflecting a , ,
is known as declining it. The affixes may express , , or .
Inflecting a
is called conjugating it. The affixes may express , , , or .
An organized list of the inflected forms of a given
or root word, is called its
if it is a noun, or its
if it is a verb.
Below is the declension of the English pronoun I, which is inflected for case and number.
The pronoun who is also inflected in formal English according to case. Its declension is defective, in the sense that it lacks a reflexive form.
singular & plural
nominative
possessive
The following table shows the conjugation of the verb to arrive in the indicative . It is inflected for person, number, and tense by .
he, she, it
arrive (bare infinitive), arrived (past participle) and arriving (gerund/present participle), although not inflected for person or number, can also be regarded as part of the conjugation of the verb to arrive.
such as I have arrived, I had arrived, or I will arrive can be included also in the conjugation of this verb for didactical purposes, but are not overt conjugations of arrive. The formula for deriving the covert form, in which the relevant inflections do not occur in the main verb, is
pronoun + conjugated
+ non-finite form of main verb.
A class of words with similar inflection rules is called an inflectional paradigm. Typically the similar rules amount to a unique set of affixes. Nominal inflectional paradigms are also called declensions, and verbal inflectional paradigms are also called conjugations. For example, in
nouns could be divided into two major declensions, the strong and the weak, inflected as is shown below:
gender and number
Strong noun declension
engel 'angel'
scip 'ship'
sorg 'sorrow'
Nominative
Accusative
sorga/sorge
Weak noun declension
nama 'name'
ēage 'eye'
tunge 'tongue'
Nominative
Accusative
The terms "strong declension" and "weak declension" are primarily relevant to well-known [] (such as the ,[] or ). In dependent-marking languages, nouns in adpositional phrases can carry inflectional morphemes. ( include prepositions and postpositions.) In , the adpositions can carry the inflection in adpositional phrases. This means that these languages will have inflected adpositions. In
( dialect), the postposition -ká’ 'on' is inflected for person and number with prefixes.
da-noh-ká
'on you two'
da-nohwi-ká
'on you all'
Traditional grammars have specific terms for inflections of nouns and verbs, but not for those of .[]
Main article:
Inflection is the process of adding inflectional
which modify a verb's tense or a noun's number, rarely affecting the word's meaning or class. Examples of applying inflectional morphemes to words are adding -s to the root dog to form dogs and adding -ed to wait to form waited. In English, there are eight inflections.[] In contrast, derivation is the process of adding derivational morphemes, which create a new word from existing words and change either the semantic meaning or part of speech of the affected word, for example by changing a noun to a verb.
Among some of the major differences of the two can be seen within the mood of change that occurs during mainly derivational morphemes . 1 Realis moods - Factual . 1.1 Indicative - Factual and Promising . 2 Irrealis moods 2.1 Subjunctive - Hypothetical, Opinions and polite requests . 2.2 Conditional - Depends on another event . 2.3 Optative - Hopes and wishes . 2.4 Imperative - Direct commands . 2.5 Jussive - Pleading and insistent . 2.6 Potential - Likely occurrence of speakers opinion . 2.7 Inferential - Non-witnessed event as in history lessons or political news . 3 Other moods 3.1 Interrogative - Asking questions . 3.2 Deity - Universal truths .
Words generally are not listed in dictionaries (in which case they would be lexical items) on the basis of their inflectional morphemes. But they often are listed on the basis of their derivational morphemes. For instance, English dictionaries list readable and readability, words with derivational suffixes, along with their root read. However, no traditional English dictionary lists book as one entry and books as a separate entry nor do they list jump and jumped as two different entries.
Languages that add inflectional morphemes to words are sometimes called inflectional languages, which is a synonym for inflected languages. Morphemes may be added in several different ways:
, or simply adding morphemes onto the word without changing the root,
, doubling all or part of a word to change its meaning,
, exchanging one sound for another in the root (usually vowel sounds, as in the
process found in
often found in , among others).
, such as of ,
or , where no sounds are added or changed but the intonation and relative strength of each sound is altered regularly. For an example, see .
Affixing includes prefixing (adding before the base), and suffixing (adding after the base), as well as the much less common infixing (inside) and circumfixing (a combination of prefix and suffix).
Inflection is most typically realized by adding an inflectional
(that is, ) to the base form (either the
Because the
was highly inflected, all of its descendant , such as , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and , are inflected to a greater or lesser extent. In general, older Indo-European languages such as , , , , and
are extensively inflected because of their temporal proximity to Proto-Indo-European.
has caused modern versions of some Indo-European languages that were previously highly inflecte an example is Modern English, as compared to Old English. In general, languages where deflexion occurs replace inflectional complexity with more rigorous , which provides the lost inflectional details. Most
are an exception to the general Indo-European deflexion trend, continuing to be highly inflected (in some cases acquiring additional inflectional complexity and , as in
Further information:
was a moderately inflected language, using an extensive case system similar to that of modern
or . Middle and Modern English lost progressively more of the Old English inflectional system. Modern English is considered a weakly inflected language, since its nouns have only vestiges of inflection (plurals, the pronouns), and its regular verbs have only four forms: an inflected form for the past indicative and subjunctive (looked), an inflected form for the third-person-singular present indicative (looks), an inflected form for the present participle (looking), and an uninflected form for everything else (look). While the English possessive indicator 's (as in "Jane's book") is a remnant of the Old English
suffix, it is now considered not a suffix but a .
was inflected, but modern , , and
have lost much of its inflection. However, adjectives, nouns and articles still have different forms according to number and gender.
preserves almost all of the
and has added its own. Modern
remains moderately inflected, retaining four noun cases, although the genitive started falling into disuse in all but formal writing in . The case system of , simpler than that of German, is also simplified in common usage. , recognized as a distinct language in its own right rather than a Dutch dialect only in the early 20th century, has lost almost all inflection.
The , such as , , ,
and , have more overt inflection than English, especially in . Adjectives, nouns and articles are considerably less inflected than verbs, but they still have different forms according to number and grammatical gender.
, the mother tongue of the Romance languages,
nouns and adjectives had different forms according to seven
(including five major ones) with five major patterns of declension, and three genders instead of the two found in most Romance tongues. There were four patterns of conjugation in six tenses, three moods (indicative, subjunctive, imperative, plus the infinitive, participle, gerund, gerundive, and supine) and two voices (passive and active), all overtly expressed by affixes (passive voice forms were periphrastic in three tenses).
are highly inflected. Nouns and adjectives are declined in up to seven overt cases. Additional cases are defined in various covert ways. For example, an , an , an
are borrowed from Finnic.
has only one overt
the above four cases to the locative marking them by differences in the use of prepositions. Lithuanian breaks them out of the ,
by using different postpositions.
is obsolete in standard Latvian and nowadays it is also considered nearly obsolete in standard Lithuanian. For instance, in standard Lithuanian it is normal to say "dvi varnos (plural) – two crows" instead of "dvi varni (dual)". Adjectives, pronouns, and numerals are declined for number, gender, and case to agree with the noun they modify or for which they substitute. Baltic verbs are inflected for tense, mood, aspect, and voice. They agree with the subject in person and number (not in all forms in modern Latvian).
make use of a high degree of inflection, typically having six or seven cases and three genders for nouns and adjectives. However, the overt case system has disappeared almost completely in modern
and . Most verb tenses and moods are also formed by inflection (however, some are , typically the future and conditional). Inflection is also present in adjective comparation and word derivation.
Declensional endings depend on case (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, locative, instrumental, vocative), number (singular, dual or plural), gender (masculine, feminine, neuter) and animacy (animate vs inanimate). Unusual in other language families, declension in most Slavic languages also depends on whether the word is a noun or an adjective. Slovene and
use a rare third number, (in addition to singular and plural numbers) known as
(in case of some words dual survived also in Polish and other Slavic languages). Modern Russian and Czech also use a more complex form of , but this misnomer applies instead to numbers 2, 3, 4, and larger numbers ending in 2, 3, or 4 (with the exception of the teens, which a thus, 102 is dual, but 12 or 127 are not). In addition, in some Slavic languages, such as Polish, word stems are frequently modified by the addition or absence of endings, resulting in .
(also called Literary Arabic) is an inflected language. It uses a system of independent and suffix pronouns classified by person and number and verbal inflections marking person and number. Suffix pronouns are used as markers of
and as objects of verbs and prepositions. The
(???) marks where the verb stem, verb form, noun, or preposition is placed.
Independent
Present Tense
Independent
Present Tense
Independent
Present Tense
????? ?anā "I"
??????, ?????, ??????
—ī, —ya, —nī
?????? na?nu
?????? —nā
same as plural
?????? ?anta "you"
????? —ka
???????? ?antum
??????? —kum
????????? t—ūn
????????? ?antumā
???????? —kumā
????????? t—āni
?????? ?anti "you"
????? —ki
????????? t—īna
????????? ?antunna
???????? —kunna
???????? t—na
???? huwa "he"
????? —hu
??????? —hum
????????? y—ūna
????? humā
???????? —humā
????????? y—āni
???? hiya "she"
?????? —hā
????? hunna
???????? —hunna
???????? t—na
Arabic), used for everyday communication, tend to have less inflection than the more formal Literary Arabic. For example, in
Arabic, the second- and third-person feminine plurals (????? antunna and ??? hunna) and their respective unique conjugations are lost and replaced by the masculine (???? antum and ?? hum), whereas in Lebanese and Syrian Arabic, ?? hum is replaced by ??? hunna.
In addition, the system known as
places vowel suffixes on each verb, noun, adjective, and adverb, according to its function within a sentence and its relation to surrounding words.
are , following from the agglutination in . The largest languages are , , and —all
official languages. Uralic inflection is, or is developed from, affixing. Grammatical markers directly added to the word perform the same function as prepositions in English. Almost all words are inflected according to their roles in the sentence: verbs, nouns, pronouns, numerals, adjectives, and some particles.
Hungarian and Finnish, in particular, often simply concatenate suffixes. For example, Finnish talossanikinko "in my house, too?" consists of talo-ssa-ni-kin-ko. However, in the
(Finnish, Estonian etc.) and the , there are processes which affect the root, particularly . The original suffixes may disappear (and appear only by liaison), leaving behind the modification of the root. This process is extensively developed in Estonian and Sami, and makes them also inflected, not only agglutinating languages. The Estonian , for example, is expressed by a modified root: maja → majja (historical form *maja-han).
The three language families often united as —, , and —are . The largest languages are ,
and —all Turkic languages. Altaic inflection is, or is developed from, affixing. Grammatical markers directly added to the word perform the same function as prepositions in English. Almost all words are inflected according to their roles in the sentence: verbs, nouns, pronouns, numerals, adjectives, and some particles.
, a , is a highly inflected language, heavily inflecting both nouns and verbs.
Noun phrase morphology is agglutinative and consists of suffixes which simply attach to the end of a stem. These suffixes are in many cases fused with the article (-a for singular and -ak for plural), which in general is required to close a noun phrase in Basque if no other determiner is present, and unlike an article in many languages, it can only partially be correlated with the concept of definiteness. Proper nouns do not take an article, and indefinite nouns without the article (called mugagabe in Basque grammar) are highly restricted syntactically. Basque is an ergative language, meaning that inflectionally the single argument (subject) of an intransitive verb is marked in the same way as the direct object of a transitive verb. This is called the absolutive case and in Basque, as in most ergative languages, it is realiz in other words, it receives no special inflection. The subject of a transitive verb receives a special case suffix, called the ergative case.
There is no case marking concord in Basque and case suffixes, including those fused with the article, are added only to the last word in a noun phrase. Plurality is not marked on the noun and is identified only in the article or other determiner, possibly fused with a case marker. The examples below are in the absolutive case with zero case marking, and include the article only:
(the/a) dog
(the) dogs
txakur polit-a
(the/a) pretty dog
txakur polit-ak
(the) pretty dogs
The noun phrase is declined for 11 cases: Absolutive, ergative, dative, possessive-genitive, benefactive, comitative, instrumental, inessive, allative, ablative, and local-genitive. These are signaled by suffixes that vary according to the categories of Singular, Plural, Indefinite, and Proper Noun, and many vary depending on whether the stem ends in a consonant or vowel. The Singular and Plural categories are fused with the article, and these endings are used when the noun phrase is not closed by any other determiner. This gives a potential 88 different forms, but the Indefinite and Proper Noun categories are identical in all but the local cases (inessive, allative, ablative, local-genitive), and many other variations in the endings can be accounted for by phonological rules operating to avoid impermissible consonant clusters. Local case endings are not normally added to animate Proper Nouns. The precise meaning of the local cases can be further specified by additional suffixes added after the local case suffixes.
Verb forms are extremely complex, agreeing with the subject, direct object, and include forms that agree with a "dative of interest" for intransitive verbs as well as allocutive forms where the verb form is altered if one is speaking to a close acquaintance. These allocutive forms also have different forms depending on whether the addressee is male or female. This is the only area in Basque grammar where gender plays any role at all. Subordination could also plausibly be considered an inflectional category of the Basque verb since subordination is signaled by prefixes and suffixes on the conjugated verb, further multiplying the number of potential forms.
Transitivity is a thoroughgoing division of Basque verbs, and it is necessary to know the transitivity of a particular verb in order to conjugate it successfully. In the spoken language only a handful of commonly used verbs are fully conjugated in the present and simple past, most verbs being conjugated by means of an auxiliary which differs according to transitivity. The literary language includes a few more such verbs, but the number is still very small. Even these few verbs require an auxiliary to conjugate other tenses besides the present and simple past.
The most common intransitive auxiliary is izan, which is also the verb for "to be". The most common transitive auxiliary is ukan, which is also the verb for "to have". (Other auxiliaries can be used in some of the tenses and may vary by dialect.) The compound tenses use an invariable form of the main verb (which appears in different forms according to the "tense group") and a conjugated form of the auxiliary. Pronouns are normally omitted if recoverable from the verb form. A couple of examples will have to suffice to demonstrate the complexity of the Basque verb:
Liburu-ak saldu dizkiegu.
Book-plural.the sell Auxiliary.3rd/Pl/Absolutive.3rd/Pl/Dative.1st/Pl/Ergative
"We sold the books to them."
Kafe-a gusta-tzen zaidak.
Coffee-the please-Habitual Auxiliary.Allocutive/Male.3rd/Sng/Absolutive.1st/Sng/Dative
"I like coffee." ("Coffee pleases me.") (Used when speaking to a male friend.)
The morphs that represent the various tense/person/case/mood categories of Basque verbs, especially in the auxiliaries, are so highly fused that segmenting them into individual meaningful units is nearly impossible, if not pointless. Considering the multitude of forms that a particular Basque verb can take, it seems unlikely that an individual speaker would have an opportunity to utter them all in his or her lifetime.
Most languages in the
(such as the , , and ) are not overtly inflected, or show very little overt inflection, so they are considered
(also known as isolating languages).
, in general, does not possess overt inflectional morphology. Chinese words generally comprise one or two monosyllabic written characters, each of which can also stand alone as an unbound morpheme. Since morphemes are monosyllabic in Chinese, Chinese is quite resistant to
instead, Chinese uses lexical means for achieving covert inflectional transparency.
While European languages more often use overt inflection to mark a word's function in a sentence, Chinese tends to use word order as a grammatical marking system. Whereas in English, the first-person singular nominative "I" changes to "me" when used in the accusative – that is, as the object of a verb – Chinese simply uses word order to mark such a distinction. An example from Mandarin: 我给了他一本书 (wǒ gěile tā yī běn shū) 'I gave him a book'. Here 我 (wǒ) means 'I' and 他 (tā) means 'him'. However, 'He gave me a book' would be: 他给了我一本书 (tā gěile wǒ yī běn shū). 我 (Wǒ) and 他 (Tā) simply change places in the sentence to indicate that their case has switched: there is no overt inflection in the form of the words. In , pronouns were overtly inflected to mark case. However, these overt case form most of the alternative pronouns are considered archaic in modern Mandarin Chinese. Classically, 我 (wǒ) was used solely as the first person accusative. 吾 (Wú) was generally used as the first person nominative. Examples of inflection can still be found in some Chinese varieties: in , the possessive adjectives are formed by inflection (unlike in Mandarin, where they are formed by adding the particle 的 after the personal pronoun).[ – ] In , the third-person singular pronoun is overtly inflected as to case and the first- and second-person singular pronouns exhibit a change in tone depending on case.[]
shows a high degree of overt inflection of verbs, less so of adjectives, and very little of nouns, but it is mostly strictly
and extremely regular. Some fusion of morphemes does take place (e.g. causative-passive され -sare- as in 行かせられる ikaserareru "is made to go", and non-past progressive ている -teiru- as in  食べている tabeteiru "is eating"). Formally, every noun phrase must be , but this is done by invariable particles ( ). (Many grammarians consider Japanese particles to be separate words, and therefore not an inflection, while others consider agglutination a type of overt inflection, and therefore consider Japanese nouns as overtly inflected.)
, such as Esperanto, Ido, and Interlingua have comparatively simple inflectional systems.
For more details on this topic, see .
In , an agglutinative language, nouns and adjectives are inflected for case (nominative, accusative) and number (singular, plural), according to a simple paradigm without irregularities. Verbs are not inflected for person or number, but they are inflected for tense (past, present, future) and mood (indicative, infinitive, conditional, jussive). They also form active and passive participles, which may be past, present or future. All verbs are regular.
has a different form for each verbal tense (past, present, future, volitive and imperative) plus an infinitive, and both a present and past participle. There are though no verbal inflections for person or number, and all verbs are regular.
Nouns are marked for number (singular and plural), and the accusative case may be shown in certain situations, typically when the direct object of a sentence precedes its verb. On the other hand, adjectives are unmarked for gender, number or case (unless they stand on their own, without a noun, in which case they take on the same desinences as the missing noun would have taken). The definite article "la" ("the") remains unaltered regardless of gender or case, and also of number, except when there is no other word to show plurality. Pronouns are identical in all cases, though exceptionally the accusative case may be marked, as for nouns.
, in contrast with the Romance languages, has no irregular verb conjugations, and its verb forms are the same for all persons and numbers. It does, however, have compound verb tenses similar to those in the Romance, Germanic, and Slavic languages: ille ha vivite, "he has lived"; illa habeva vivite, "she had lived". Nouns are inflected by number, taking a plural -s, but rarely by gender: only when referring to a male or female being. Interlingua has no noun-adjective agreement by gender, number, or case. As a result, adjectives ordinarily have no inflections. They may take the plural form if they are being used in place of a noun: le povres, "the poor".
Brinton, Laurel J. (2000). The structure of modern English: a linguistic introduction. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. p. 104.
Anderson, Stephen R. (1985), "Inflectional Morphology", in Shopen, Timothy, Language typology and syntactic description, Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 162–164
Dahl, ? Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria (2001). The Circum-Baltic Languages: Grammar and typology. Volume 2: Grammar and Typology. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. p. 672.
Hewson, J Bubeník, Vít (2006). From case to adposition : the development of configurational syntax in Indo-European languages. Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science, Volume 4. Amsterdam: Benjamins. p. 206.
Ryding, Karin C. (2005). A Reference Grammar of Modern Standard Arabic.
King, Alan R. The Basque Language: A Practical Introduction. University of Nevada Press. Reno, Nevada
Manandise, Esméralda. "Evidence from Basque for a New Theory of Grammar," doctoral dissertation in Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics: A Garland Series, Jorge Hankamer, general ed. Garland Publishing, Inc. New York & London.
Manandise, Esméralda. "Evidence from Basque for a New Theory of Grammar," doctoral dissertation in Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics: A Garland Series, Jorge Hankamer, general ed. Garland Publishing, Inc. New York & London.
Norman, p. 84.
Norman, p. 89.
Agirre, E.; et al. (1992), "XUXEN: A spelling checker/corrector for Basque based on two-level morphology",
(PDF), pp. 119–125
Bubeník, Vit. (1999). An introduction to the study of morphology. LINCOM coursebooks in linguistics, 07. Munich: LINCOM Europa.  .
(1988). Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bauer, Laurie (2003). Introducing linguistic morphology (2nd ed.). Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press.  .
Haspelmath, Martin (2002). Understanding morphology. London: Arnold, Oxford University Press.
Katamba, Francis (1993). Morphology. Modern linguistics series. New York: St. Martin's Press.
Matthews, Peter (1991). Morphology (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
, Johanna (1986). "Head-marking and dependent-marking grammar". Language. 62 (1): 56–119. :.
De Reuse, Willem J. (1996). A practical grammar of the San Carlos Apache language. LINCOM Studies in Native American Linguistics 51. LINCOM.  .
Spencer, A Zwicky, Arnold M., eds. (1998). The handbook of morphology. Blackwell handbooks in linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell.  .
(2001). Inflectional morphology: A theory of paradigm structure. Cambridge studies in linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  .
Van Valin, Robert D., Jr. (2001). An introduction to syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
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